The public realm contains the market, the workplace and the political setting; the private realm is the setting of friends, family, religion, sexual relations and voluntary as- sociations ibid. Oppression occurs when values belonging to the private realm e.
This type of civil society exists when all respect the rights of all others and, hence, when individuals or groups accept the limit to which they can exercise their private values in the public realm. Thus, the onus is on the private realm to teach individuals to conform to the norms of public life DeLue A third alternative to the mainstream tradition is derived mainly from sources e.
Harbeson , Hann that study societies and States other than West- ern ones, i. The adherents of this approach have to come to grips with whether or not to use the concept of civil society at all. The key problem in this regard is that these non-Western societies are not organised to the same extent and along the same lines as their Western counterparts.
Harbeson , for example, argues that the concept of civil society is use- ful for understanding how political processes in African societies emerge to shape and be shaped by governmental institutions. The notion allows the nature of the interfaces and interdependency between the State and society to be studied. Writing about former Eastern Europe, Hann argues for a need to shift the debates around civil society away from formal structures and organisations and toward values, beliefs and everyday practices.
Like in Africa, life in Eastern Europe is fairly unorganised and much of what happens between the State and the citizens is not necessarily channelled through formal associations. How do we then move the concept of civil society forward, out of the Western, moralistic mode, and make it useful for our understanding of how African and other non-Western States and societies interact?
Harbeson proposes that the concept be transformed from a prescriptive one into an empirical, operationalised one. The current volume reflects on some of these questions in the Namibian context. For this reason we also a look also at aggregated, individual-level opin- ions. The focus, hence, is not only on those with explicit politi- cal goals civil society , but also on the average citizen society.
However, that very slogan has been used to defend the actions and operations of a range of political orders: from the United States of America to the former Soviet Union and Uganda, under Idi Amin. From the above examples such a distinction clearly cannot rely on the names or descriptions that States give themselves. May , cited in Saward argues that — Responsive rule or democracy, as May ibid. It further requires citizenship and the right to participate in all public affairs, such as the right to vote, the right to run for public office, and the right to be a legal part of the polity.
Finally, it requires a number of social rights, such as the right to an adequate education and adequate health care. When brought together, these rights and freedoms constitute the ideal democracy or what Dahl has termed a polyarchy. Why democracy? What makes democracy so special?
Why not another type of regime? No one pretends that democracy is perfect and all-wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government, except all those other forms that have been tried from time to time. Echoing Churchill to some extent, Schmitter and Karl point out that al- though democracy is better than any other system in delivering political goods such as electoral competition, freedom, majority rule and cooperation, it is not necessarily better at delivering economic goods such as growth, administrative efficiency, order and stability.
If one goes ahead and chooses to establish a democracy, one first has to get rid of any existing non-democratic political order. The period during which this is done is referred to as the transition to democracy. Once established, the democratic order must be maintained, i.
The dynamics of democratisation are unstable precisely because the process is one of learning, and trial and error. Rustow , cited in ibid.
Young democracies, especially the ones that emerged from prolonged periods of non- democratic rule, cannot rely on the habitual support of their citizens; those very citizens were, after all, born and raised under an authoritarian dispensation. So what, then, are the conditions that will promote the consolidation of demo- cracy? Lintz and Stepan argue for five such conditions and where ab- sent they will have to be crafted : 1. Conditions must exist for the development of a free and lively civil society.
Political society must be relatively autonomous. All leaders and followers must be subject to the rule of law. There must be a state bureaucracy that is usable for the government-of-the-day. Economic society must be institutionalised.
In addition to these, Dahl mentions the need for a strong democratic culture that can provide emotional and cognitive support for adherence to demo- cratic procedures. Whether or not these conditions exist in Namibia is the subject of the papers in this volume. However, neither colonialism nor the free- dom struggle itself can be characterised as democratic processes. Colonial rule not only denied the majority of Namibians their basic rights and freedoms, it also used brute force to suppress any political activity that did not benefit that rule.
Hence, white society enjoyed sub- stantial freedom and was allowed to prosper, whilst black society had to resort to armed conflict to secure those rights. Herein lies the key to unlock postcolonial developments. When the SWAPO Party won over the Namibian nation in in the first gen- eral elections ever held in the country, both the ruler and the ruled had little expe- rience with democracy.
Saul and Leys show that, within the liberation movement in exile, little existed that could resemble a democratic culture. The abhorrent nature of colonial apartheid is by now well known and well documented. Therefore, the conditions for consolidation had to be, and in some instances still have to be, crafted. In this volume, therefore, we will be looking at the progress toward crafting a consolidated democracy in Namibia.
He argues that the Constitution paves the way for a liberal political dispensation in which core rights and freedoms are entrenched for all Namibians. Furthermore, the Constitution creates the insti- tutional framework for democracy to be realised: it separates the powers of Gov- ernment, provides for regular elections by means of a proportional representation system, and entrenches a system of checks and balances on policy-making.
Much depends on how this Constitution is used by ordinary citizens, and on the political will of its leadership. He argues that, once decentralisation is complete, ordinary citizens will have several more channels through which to participate in, and thereby shape, public policy.
Keulder touches on a similar theme in his chapter on how the Namibian State penetrates into the predominantly rural society through its legal arrangements with tradi- tional leaders.
Functioning under State law and performing prescribed State func- tions has made traditional leaders part and parcel of the State, but not completely so. They also remain active agencies operating in the sphere of civil society — supporting a point made earlier by Harbeson that, in Africa, some actors can be part of both spheres. Unorganised women in rural Namibia are not benefiting from the new Act, however: they continue to carry the brunt of existing inequalities. The existing labour regime is a rather imprecise blend- ing of corporatist and liberal tendencies.
They show that organised labour is not always consulted where and when it counts, and that Government lacks the committment necessary for a corporatist regime to develop.
The chapter by Keulder et al. Their findings show that the Namibian State enjoys sufficient levels of both. Voters demand more change in their material well-being, but do so removed from the potentially powerful force of ethnicity. What is more worrisome, however, is the absence of an out- right democratic value system among ordinary Namibians.
Given what was said earlier herein, this is to be expected. The closing chapter by Du Pisani shows that a civil society is almost completely absent from the currently State-driven foreign policy process. We hope that the body of research presented in this volume will contribute to opening up, for Namibians, some of the larger debates on the consolidation of democracy.
Also, since Namibia is not unique, there is no reason why other States cannot learn from our experience. References Badie, B. The imported State: The westernisation of the political order.
Stanford: Stanford University Press. Bayart, J-F. The State in Africa: The politics of the belly. London: Longman Publishers. The criminalization of the State in Africa. Oxford: James Currey. Beetham, D Ed. Defining and measuring democracy. London: Sage Pub- lishers.
Democratic experiments in Africa: Regime transitions in comparative perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chabal, P. Political domination in Africa: Reflections on the limits of power. New York: Cambridge University Press. Africa works: Disorder as political instrument.
Ox- ford: James Currey. Dahl, R. Polyarchy: Participation and opposition. New Haven: Yale Univer- sity Press. Consolidating the Third Wave democracies: Themes and perspectives. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. DeLue, S. Political thinking, political theory and civil society. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Diamond, L. Developing democracy: Toward consolidation. The global resurgence of democracy, 2nd edition. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univer- sity Press. Du Toit, P. Pretoria: Human Sciences Re- search Council.
Bringing the State back in. Gellner, E. Nations and nationalism. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Gramsci, A. Selections from prison notebooks.
London: Lawrence and Wishart. Hann, C. Civil society: Challenging Western models. London: Routledge. Lon- don: Routledge. Harbeson, J. Civil society and the State in Africa. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. The Third Wave: Democratization in the late twentieth century. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. Huntington, S. Hyden, G. Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania: Underdevelopment and an uncaptured peasantry.
London: Heinemann. London: James Currey. Comparative politics: Rationality, cul- ture and structure. Migdal, J. State power and social forces: Domination and transformation in the Third World. Com- parative politics: Rationality, culture and structure. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni- versity Press. State power and social forces: Domina- tion and transformation in the Third World. Putnam, R. Making democracy work: Civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Democracy and its alternatives: Under- standing post-communist societies. In Beetham, D Ed. London: Sage Publishers. Shils, E. In Government and opposition, Vol. Simon, R. Skocpol, T. Cambridge: Cam- bridge University Press. It is the description of a fundamental process of transition, during which essential foundations of present society were laid.
To some extent it can be main- tained that a number of the structural elements then created continue to remain effective, and that some of the characteristics of postcolonial Namibian society are based upon or even rooted within the legacy of this past. Such an ambitious undertaking, as incomplete as it might be, intends to offer historic background material to those periods and case studies in Namibian soci- ety that follow in subsequent chapters.
Even the rudimentary evidence presented within the limitations of such an introductory chapter clearly demonstrates the violent character of the early process of forced integration into a new socio-eco- nomic system of colonial relations with a dominantly capitalist-oriented interest.
This was a system imposed upon and transplanted to people s within a society of different stages of development and with internal dynamics of its own.
Firstly, it will be shown that the early stage of pre- colonial penetration was a matter not directly related to individual or even the collective efforts of any European powers, but more a result of the established colonial system in the neighbouring Cape region.
For further contributions on related aspects of Namibian history, see also Melber , a, b. Historic sources on the subject are presented and reproduced more prominently in Melber , , As shown in the course of the following analysis, the process of imposing a different system of power structures and patterns of dominance upon the people living in the territory nowadays defined as Namibia has been based largely on external or exogenous forces.
This process not only produced a set of values and norms, rules and regula- tions enforced against the will of a vast majority of people, even, if necessary, by means of applying the ultimate means of uncompromising violence; it also estab- lished the necessary mechanisms and institutions to advocate and ensure compli- ance with the new set of principles.
If this was not achieved, the colonial Admin- istration preferred to stoop to eradication rather than integration. State authority, to this extent, was a mere instrumental tool more than anything else: one which, in the hands of the foreign occupants, was applied blatantly and without disguise. Any claims to represent all the inhabitants of the country proved to be mere rhetoric. Civil and civic rights were exclu- sively reserved for the members of the settler community.
In cases where such members violated the fundamental principles of the apartheid doctrine enshrined after the turn of the 20th century in the emerging laws, they and their families lost their privileged status too. Thus, the main focus of this paper is the dynamics of interac- tion between internal and external social forces prevailing throughout most of the 19th century, and ultimately resulting in the consolidation of the colonial system in the early 20th century.
Bordered by perennial rivers in the south the Orange and north the Kunene and the Kavango , the Atlantic Ocean in the west and the dry Kalahari sandveld in the east, the people within those natural boundaries already had knowledge about and contacts with each other as well as a perception of the sur- rounding regions and their inhabitants.
Exchange patterns existed not only among those within the natural borders, but also with southern neighbours across the Orange River and, even more so, those towards the north, where common commu- nities of the various Owambo groups settled on both sides of the Kunene. On the basis of a mixed economy mainly with agricultural cultivation and limited livestock , several different and somewhat independently organised Owambo groups estab- lished a rather secure existence for themselves.
In the course of the period under consideration, this region and its inhabitants were less directly influenced by for- eign penetration and only became immediately affected by it in the 19th century Eirola et al. These Owambo groups, which had settled for good, included a considerable number of people. Because their livelihood was rooted in the cultivated land, they were less mobile and, therefore, more resistant to threats against their existence.
On the other hand, nomadic cattle herders in other areas of the country were more flexible and could try to avoid outside pres- sure by moving on to other acceptable regions. Being aware of these conditions, Europeans were able to establish large farms for extensive cattle-ranching. This chapter will, therefore, concentrate on the south- ern and central regions, which possessed a dynamic different to that in the north- ern areas. For the period considered here, they were of more direct relevance to the process of colonisation and the following stages of settler-driven capitalist penetration.
The Herero, nomadic cattle-breeders who shared with the Owambo the linguistic background of being part of the Bantu-language family, occupied large parts of the central region. Some Herero clans also operated far to the east and north-west. The Nama groups, sharing a similar mode of production with the Herero, were generally less successful in cattle-breeding, owing to the fact that they operated in the climatically less favourable western and southern parts, with less rain and more sand.
They were part of the Khoisan-language family, as were the other distinct groups of Damara and San. The latter two, smaller in population, tried to survive and maintain an independent existence as hunters and gatherers.
For the most part, the contributing factors to social transformation rep- resented by Damara and San have been ignored or neglected by the academic literature, which has placed them in the margins of local power, with little influ- ence on the social dynamics. For more adequate recent studies see e. Bollig , Eirola , Siiskonen , and Williams Representing one factor in local develop- ment were the Owambo, who were more related to the people of southern Angola than others in Namibia.
The Owambo inhabited the northern part of the country, with an environment and internal development of its own dynamic. The other dominant factor of internal social change was represented by the Nama and Herero, who shared the southern and central regions. The latter groups were in constant contact and interrelationship, and became the focus of direct colonial penetration. Differing ecological imperatives contributed to the varying forms of household production.
A clear correspondence between environmental features, local iden- tity and specific economic forms of production existed among the various groups. The development of class structures — while in an embryonic stage throughout the territory — had progressed further among the Owambo in the north than among the Khoi-khoi and Herero in the south.
Among the Herero, differences in cattle wealth had already produced a rich elite which operated on the periphery of the tradi- tional institutions. Further development of class differentiation was hampered, however, since land was used collectively and no private property in natural re- sources existed.
Within the Khoi-khoi, class division and separation between pro- duction and possession was hardly discernable, although some indications point to unequal power structures above the unit of family and kinship. The level of internal trade in the north also showed a more progressive division of labour, including specialised artisans and traders.
By the beginning of the 19th century, the people occupying large parts of the country already possessed a clear knowledge and consciousness of the natural territorial boundaries and had continuous contact among each other. Owambo tra- ders exchanged goods for cattle, mainly with the Herero, and local groups were connected via the Owambo with a trade network to the north.
Local trade in precolonial northern Namibia rested mainly upon three staple commodities: iron, copper and salt. Long-distance trade concentrated on slaves restricted almost For more enlightened information on the Damara, see Lau Melber d and Gordon For a reassessment of the historic role played by various San communities in pre- colonial Namibia, see especially Gordon , Relationships between dominant groups in the central and southern regions were to a large extent influenced — if not determined — by existing ecological constraints, in combination with the modes and means of production.
Largely dependent on their cattle and small stock, these nomadic pastoralists needed land, water and grazing opportunities as an essential basis for their individual and collective pro- duction. At the same time, this economic basis tended to be expansionist in character. A clash of interests resulting in ambitions for control of more territory was, there- fore, a logical consequence.
In times of favourable natural conditions, a shared motivation to prevent an increased and notorious conflict seemed to function; but in times of natural constraints such as drought, the clash of interests and the strug- gle for control of the necessary means of production land and water increased. Accumulation of wealth was largely due to expansionism, which inevitably led to conflicts with neighbouring societies with the same patterns of production, as well as to competition among units sharing a similar identity.
Consequently, ecological constraints and imperatives often resulted in military competition among the local population, including sectional rivalry among mem- bers or units of the same language group, for control of natural resources that were necessary for maintaining the basis for economic production and reproduction. From the early 19th century, frequent but locally isolated and restricted military actions were characteristic of the southern and central regions, including inter- Herero conflict and raiding as well as competition between the Herero and Nama Werner It can therefore be concluded that, by the dawn of the 19th century, internal forces were in a dynamic process of expansionism and competition see e.
Dierks a, Although highly influenced by natural environment factors, this competition remained manageable by those involved in the process and led to an uneasy balance of power over economic relations and social interactions. Herero groups continued to be the most influential agents of this dynamic process. Other recent research Lau , , suggests that, in the southern and central parts, the interaction of the local population prior to colonial conquest was only partly influenced by ethnic background and identity.
To a certain extent, such social formations represented only one of several factors that contributed to the transformation of the modes of production during colonisation. Robbed of their land by invading Dutch colonisers, they tried to escape eventual bondage by moving further north.
Many of them had already experi- enced dependent wage labour on farms or had made their living around mission- ary stations in constant contact with Europeans. They generally spoke Dutch and had converted to the Christian faith.
Far more important for the further develop- ment within the new environment of southern Namibia, they also knew very well how to make use of their guns, as well as of the mobility provided by horses. By the time they arrived in the area which was to become their new home, the Orlam communities were organised in a quasi-military fashion and possessed a higher degree of social and political centralisation than the resident Nama.
The Orlam were also superior to the Nama in terms of combat skills. The immigration of the Orlam at the beginning of the 19th century escalated the competition for use and control of the natural means of production land and wa- ter resources.
This competition intensified further with the diminution of these resources, especially following the severe drought in Finally, this con- flict led to a protected military confrontation between the groups in the southern and central regions, who were forced to develop expansionist tendencies.
The clash between the Orlam and Herero, both of whom sought to achieve dominance, can, therefore, be seen as a struggle for survival in the face of increasingly scarce resources. Jlg boom lifts 40ha service repair workshop manual download p n I didn't Sinar Senja. Sinar Senja. A concise history of italy pdf download torrent. The French New Wave cinema is arguably the most fascinating of all film movements, famous for its exuberance, daring… ture by the Gauls — The conquest of Italy — Pyrrhus — Carthage — The.
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